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  1. Speaking at the annual ANA Masters of Marketing conference in Orlando, Florida on Friday morning, Lili Tomovich immediately voiced her gratitude for Vegas—how it transformed from a site for Hoover Dam construction workers in the s to a resort destination of entertainment, casinos and cuisine.:
    MISSION. The CCO-COTTA program's mission is to assist community organizations ability to increase their effectiveness; enhance essential services to those most in need, and build upon the organizational capacity of each community, diversify resources, and create collaborations to serve those in Cherokee Communities. This document was produced by a group of individuals on the SPA's Right, signing alphabetically and including prominently W.J. Ghent, the widow of Jack London . [March 12, ] With war in the wind and a membership referendum calling for an Emergency National Convention of the Socialist Party on the war question. Jack worked in construction and Laurie in human resources at an energy company. But their lives centered around their children, watching their daughter cheerleading or taking their son dirt-bike riding in rural areas near Bakersfield. “He had a heart of gold, he would do anything for those who he loved, his.
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    So many are welcomed— Central Casting turns away nobody with proper identification— precisely because so many lose heart. WHEN Everyone from Osama bin Laden and Manuel Noriega to Tiger Woods and Bill Gates, not to mention George W Bush, John Kerry Jack and Jackie Kennedy, John Gotti, Ted Turner, and. On 7 January at about local time, two brothers, Saïd and Chérif Kouachi, forced their way into the offices of the French satirical weekly newspaper Charlie Hebdo in Paris. Armed with rifles and other weapons, they killed 12 people and injured 11 others. The gunmen identified themselves as belonging to the.
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Charlie Hebdo had attracted attention for its controversial depictions of Muhammad. Hatred for Charlie Hebdo ' s cartoons, which made jokes about Islamic leaders as well as Muhammad , is considered to be the principal motive for the massacre. Michael Morell , former deputy director of the CIA , suggested that the motive of the attackers was "absolutely clear: The cartoonist Coco was coerced into letting the murderers into the building, and was not harmed.

Luz arrived in time to see the gunmen escaping. Neighbours presumed suicide, but officially her death was recorded as caused by "illness". He became a student of Farid Benyettou, a radical Muslim preacher at the Addawa Mosque in the 19th arrondissement of Paris. Kouachi wanted to attack Jewish targets in France, but Benyettou told him that France, unlike Iraq, was not "a land of jihad".

For lack of evidence, they were not prosecuted. Also according to the reporter, the two shared an apartment for "one or two weeks". French authorities monitored them until the spring of Neighbours described him as solitary. The weapons used in the attack were supplied via the Brussels underworld. According to the Belgian press, a criminal sold Amedy Coulibaly the rocket-propelled grenade launcher and Kalashnikov rifles that the Kouachi brothers used.

We kill no one. We defend the prophet. If someone offends the prophet then there is no problem, we can kill him. We are not like you. You are the ones killing women and children in Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan.

We have an honour code in Islam. A massive manhunt began immediately after the attack. One suspect left his ID card in an abandoned getaway car. Police detained several people during the manhunt for the two main suspects. A third suspect voluntarily reported to a police station after hearing he was wanted, and was not charged. Police described the assailants as "armed and dangerous".

The manhunt continued with the discovery of the two fugitive suspects early in the morning of 9 January. They were chased by police cars for approximately 27 kilometres 17 miles south down the N2 trunk road.

Several others may have been injured as well but no one was killed in the gunfire. The suspects were not apprehended and escaped on foot. They shook hands and Kouachi told Didier, "Leave. We don't kill civilians anyhow. The Kouachi brothers remained inside and a lengthy standoff began. Catalano re-entered the building and closed the door after Didier had left. Catalano was allowed to leave after an hour. The Kouachi brothers were never aware of him being there.

However, an Interior Ministry spokesman announced that the Ministry wished first to "establish a dialogue" with the suspects. Officials tried to establish contact with the suspects to negotiate the safe evacuation of a school metres 1, feet from the siege. The Kouachi brothers did not respond to attempts at communication by the French authorities. The siege lasted for eight to nine hours, and at around 4: The brothers had stated a desire to die as martyrs [] and the siege came to an end when both Kouachi brothers were shot and killed.

Coulibaly was reportedly in contact with the Kouachi brothers as the sieges progressed, and told police that he would kill hostages if the brothers were harmed. The remaining staff of Charlie Hebdo continued normal weekly publication, and the following issue print run had 7.

On the night of 8 January, police commissioner Helric Fredou, who had been investigating the attack, committed suicide in his office in Limoges while he was preparing his report shortly after meeting with the family of one of the victims. He was said to have been experiencing depression and burnout.

In the week after the shooting, 54 anti-Muslim incidents were reported in France. These included 21 reports of shootings, grenade throwing at mosques and other Islamic centers, an improvised explosive device attack, [] and 33 cases of threats and insults.

On 7 January , the one-year anniversary of the shooting, an attempted attack occurred at a police station in the Goutte d'Or district of Paris. The assailant, a Tunisian man posing as an asylum-seeker from Iraq or Syria , charged police officers with a meat cleaver while shouting "Allahu Akbar! On 14 February in Copenhagen , Denmark, a public event called "Art, blasphemy and the freedom of expression", was organized to honor victims of the attack in January against the French satirical newspaper Charlie Hebdo.

A series of shootings took place that day and the following day in Copenhagen, with two people killed and five police officers wounded. The suspected perpetrator was later shot dead by police on 15 February. The center was hosting an exhibit featuring cartoons depicting the Islamic prophet Muhammad.

A Garland Independent School District police officer was injured by a shot to the ankle but survived. Following the attack, France raised Vigipirate to its highest level: The British Foreign Office warned its citizens about travelling to Paris.

Spain increased security in public places such as railway stations and increased the police presence on streets throughout the country's cities. The British Transport Police confirmed on 8 January that they would establish new armed patrols in and around St Pancras International railway station in London, following reports that the suspects were moving north towards Eurostar stations. They confirmed that the extra patrols were for the reassurance of the public and to maintain visibility and that there were no credible reports yet of the suspects heading towards St Pancras.

In Belgium, the staff of P-Magazine were given police protection, although there were no specific threats. P-Magazine had previously published a cartoon of Muhammad drawn by the Danish cartoonist Kurt Westergaard.

The phrase Je suis Charlie French for "I am Charlie" came to be a common worldwide sign of solidarity against the attacks. It appeared on printed and hand-made placards, and was displayed on mobile phones at vigils, and on many websites, particularly media sites such as Le Monde. The hashtag jesuischarlie quickly trended at the top of Twitter hashtags worldwide following the attack.

Not long after the attack, it is estimated that around 35, people gathered in Paris holding "Je suis Charlie" signs. Thousands also gathered in Nantes at the Place Royale. Similar demonstrations and candle vigils spread to other cities outside France as well, including Amsterdam , [] Brussels , Barcelona , [] Ljubljana , [] Berlin, Copenhagen , London and Washington, D. Many flags around the city were at half-mast on 8 January.

They prayed for the victims and held "Je suis Charlie" signs. More vigils and gatherings were held in Canada to show support to France and condemn terrorism. It's horrible everything that happened, but they won't win," commented one demonstrator.

We have the right to say what we have to say. By 8 January, vigils had spread to Australia, with thousands holding "Je suis Charlie" signs. Flags were at half-mast at the city's French consulate where mourners left bouquets. French consul Patrick Kedemos described the gathering in Perth as "a spontaneous, grass roots event". He added, "We are far away but our hearts today [are] with our families and friends in France.

It [was] an attack on the liberty of expression, journalists that were prominent in France, and at the same time it's an attack, or a perceived attack on our culture. On 8 January over demonstrations were held from Many Dutch government members joined the demonstrations.

Luxembourg , 8 January Daley Plaza , Chicago , U. Around , people walked in protest in France on 10 January. On 11 January, up to 2 million people, including President Hollande and more than 40 world leaders, led a rally of national unity in the heart of Paris to honour the 17 victims. There were also large marches in many other French towns and cities, and marches and vigils in many other cities worldwide.

Place de la Bastille , Paris. About 54 people in France, who had publicly supported the attack on Charlie Hebdo , were arrested as "apologists for terrorism" and about 12 people were sentenced to several months in jail. Following a series of police raids in Belgium, in which two suspected terrorists were killed in a shootout in the city of Verviers , Belgian police stated that documents seized after the raids appear to show that the two were planning to attack sellers of the next edition of Charlie Hebdo released following the attack in Paris.

Unrest in Niger following the publication of the post-attack issue of Charlie Hebdo resulted in ten deaths, [] dozens injured, and at least 45 churches were burned down.

Churches were also reported to be on fire in eastern Maradi and Goure. There were violent demonstrations in Karachi in Pakistan , where Asif Hassan, a photographer working for the Agence France-Presse , was seriously injured by a shot to the chest.

In Algiers and Jordan, protesters clashed with police, and there were peaceful demonstrations in Khartoum, Sudan, Russia, Mali, Senegal, and Mauritania.

These included 21 reports of shootings and grenade -throwing at mosques and other Islamic centres and 33 cases of threats and insults. RT reported that a million people attended a demonstration in Grozny , the capital city of the Chechen Republic , protesting the depictions of Muhammad in Charlie Hebdo and proclaiming that Islam is a religion of peace. One of the slogans was "Violence is not the method". Placards read, "Stand up for the Prophet" and "Be careful with Muhammad".

These cartoonists, writers and artists used their pens with a lot of humour to address sometimes awkward subjects and as such performed an essential function. Prime Minister Manuel Valls said that his country was at war with terrorism, but not at war with Islam or Muslims. The attack received immediate condemnation from dozens of governments worldwide.

Some English-language media outlets republished the cartoons on their websites in the hours following the shootings. Other media publications such as Germany's Berliner Kurier and Poland's Gazeta Wyborcza reprinted cartoons from Charlie Hebdo the day after the attack; the former had a cover of Muhammad reading Charlie Hebdo whilst bathing in blood.

In China, the state-run Xinhua advocated limiting freedom of speech, while another state-run newspaper, Global Times , said the attack was "payback" for what it characterised as Western colonialism.

Media organisations carried out protests against the shootings. Very little seems funny today. However, as a satirist, we are beholden to the principle that every human being has the right to be parodied. This should not stop just because of some idiots who go around shooting". In India, Mint ran the photographs of copies of Charlie Hebdo on their cover, but later apologized after receiving complaints from the readers.

She was arrested and released on bail. She began to wear the burqa for the first time in her life and went into hiding. Egyptian daily Al-Masry Al-Youm featured drawings by young cartoonists signed with "Je suis Charlie" in solidarity with the victims.

This was seen by analyst Jonathan Guyer as a "surprising" and maybe "unprecedented" move, due to the pressure Arab artists can be subject to when depicting religious figures.

In Los Angeles, the Jewish Journal weekly changed its masthead that week to Jewish Hebdo and published the offending Muhammad cartoons. The Guardian reported that many Muslims and Muslim organisations criticized the attack while some Muslims support it and other Muslims stated they would only condemn it if France condemned the killings of Muslims worldwide". The Shia Islamic journal Ya lasarat Al-Hussein , founded by Ansar-e Hezbollah , praised the shooting, saying, "[the cartoonists] met their legitimate justice, and congratulations to all Muslims" and "according to fiqh of Islam, punishment of insulting of Muhammad is death penalty".

Reporters Without Borders criticised the presence of leaders from Egypt, Russia, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates, saying, "On what grounds are representatives of regimes that are predators of press freedom coming to Paris to pay tribute to Charlie Hebdo , a publication that has always defended the most radical concept of freedom of expression?

Hacktivist group Anonymous released a statement in which they offered condolences to the families of the victims and denounced the attack as an "inhuman assault" on freedom of expression. They addressed the terrorists: The US-based Muslim civil liberties group, the Council on American—Islamic Relations , condemned the attacks and defended the right to freedom of speech , "even speech that mocks faiths and religious figures".

The League of Arab States released a collective condemnation of the attack. Al-Azhar University released a statement denouncing the attack, stating that violence was never appropriate regardless of "offence committed against sacred Muslim sentiments". Both the Palestinian Liberation Organization and the Hamas government of the Gaza Strip stated that "differences of opinion and thought cannot justify murder". Malek Merabet, the brother of Ahmed Merabet, a Muslim police officer killed in the shooting, condemned the terrorists who killed his brother: Saudi-Australian Islamic preacher Junaid Thorne said: After the attack, Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula praised the attackers for killing Charb, and called for militants to murder others on their hit list.

Two Islamist newspapers in Turkey ran headlines that were criticized on social media as justifying the attack. The demonstrators also protested Afghan President Ashraf Ghani's swift condemnation of the shootings.

One teacher requested to be transferred. The incident is being investigated by authorities who are handling 37 proceedings of "terrorism glorification" and 17 proceedings of threats of violence in schools. The student was later penalised for posting the message. This is more than a joke, it's an insult! Le Monde reported that the majority of students they met at Saint-Denis condemned the attack.

For them, life is sacred, but so is religion. Abdul, age 14, said "of course everyone stood for the one minute silence, and that includes all Muslims I did it for those who were killed, but not for Charlie. I have no pity for him, he had no respect for us Muslims". It also reported that for most students at the Paul Eluard high school in Saint-Denis, freedom of expression is perceived as being "incompatible with their faith".

For Erica, who describes herself as Catholic, "there are wrongs on both sides". A fake bomb was planted in the faculty lounge at the school. The Head of the Chechen Republic , Ramzan Kadyrov , said "we will not allow anyone to insult the prophet, even if it costs us our lives. Salman Rushdie , who is on the Al-Qaeda hit list [18] [69] and received death threats over his novel The Satanic Verses , said, "I stand with Charlie Hebdo , as we all must, to defend the art of satire, which has always been a force for liberty and against tyranny, dishonesty and stupidity Swedish artist Lars Vilks , also on the Al-Qaeda hit list [69] for publishing his own satirical drawings of Muhammad , condemned the attacks and said that the terrorists "got what they wanted.

People were scared before, but with this attack fear will grow even larger" [] and that the attack "expose[s] the world we live in today". He also criticised many of those in America who were ostensibly voicing support for free speech, noting that were the cartoons to be published in an American university newspaper, the editors would be accused of "hate speech" and the university would "have cut financing and shut them down.

American linguist and philosopher Noam Chomsky views the popularization of the Je suis Charlie slogan by politicians and media in the West as hypocritical, comparing the situation to the NATO bombing of the Radio Television of Serbia headquarters in , when 16 employees were killed. Chomsky also mentioned other incidents where US military forces have caused higher civilian death tolls, without leading to intensive reactions such as those that followed the Paris attacks.

We should not operate a double standard. Through the drone attacks had been "murdered thousands of innocent people", in the concerned countries, this created helplessness, rage and hatred: Regarding the Afghanistan war with German participation for years, she said: Bill Donohue , president of the US Catholic League , said Charlie Hebdo had a "long and disgusting record" of mocking religious figures and that Charb "didn't understand the role he played in his tragic death.

Had he not been so narcissistic, he may still be alive. Cartoonist-journalist Joe Sacco expressed grief for the victims in a comic strip, and wrote. I affirm our right to " take the piss " Japanese famous film director, Hayao Miyazaki expressed his opinion about the attack and gave his opinion about the magazine decision to publish the content cited as the trigger for the incident. He said, "I think it's a mistake to caricaturize the figures venerated by another culture.

You shouldn't do it. French Minister of the Interior Bernard Cazeneuve declared that by the morning of 9 January , a total of 3, messages "condoning the attacks" had already been documented through the French government Pharos system. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Franck Brinsolaro, 49, Protection Service police officer assigned as a bodyguard for Charb.

Elsa Cayat , 54, psychoanalyst and columnist. Bernard Maris , 68, economist, editor, and columnist. Riss Laurent Sourisseau , 48, cartoonist and editorial director—shot in the shoulder.

Charlie Hebdo issue No. Curtis Culwell Center attack. For more details on this topic, see Je suis Charlie. Tribute to Charlie Hebdo in Strasbourg.

Tributes to the victims in Toulouse. This section needs to be updated. Please update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information. This section contains too many or too-lengthy quotations for an encyclopedic entry. Please help improve the article by presenting facts as a neutrally-worded summary with appropriate citations. Consider transferring direct quotations to Wikiquote. International reactions to the Charlie Hebdo shooting. Retrieved 16 January The weapons seen in various images of the attackers include vz.

At least 12 killed as shots fired at satirical magazine's Paris office". Retrieved 9 January Retrieved 14 January Anti-conscription meetings were held by Socialists elsewhere in Manhattan, Brooklyn, and Bronx throughout the week in opposition to pending draft legislation in Congress. Simons in Milwaukee, WI. There is no need of estranging the great mass of Socialists and those who sympathize with them by any drastic action. There is occasion for the discreet use of authority for the prevention of general circulation of this pernicious propaganda.

Reed characterizes military conscription as un-democratic, physically unsound, unnecessary, and un-American. And that means that instead of being free to work for a larger measure of democratic progress in this country, American democrats must devote all their energies and their resources to fighting the extension of militarism in their country.

Within a matter of days the good citizens of Toledo, Ohio would be calling for the termination of outspoken antimilitarist and syndicated columnist Scott Nearing, a professor of Political Science at the public Toledo University.

This was accompanied by a lengthy public statement by Nearing explaining his perspective on the war. There are only two possible ways to topple German militarism, Nearing says: Louis Emergency National Convention.

Benson dusts off one last time his utopian nostrum of requiring a plebiscite of the American people before conscription may be implemented: If the news were to reach Washington that the people, demanding the right to vote on conscription, were filling all the halls in the land, from the largest to the smallest, there would be no conscription act of Congress Louis Convention, Morris Hillquit responds.

Ever the lawyer and diplomat, Hillquit responds to the provocation temperately: The Finnish parliament, the Diet, formerly stripped of its authority by the tsarist regime, had been thrust to center stage by rapidly evolving events.

In his reply, Executive Secretary Germer asks of Gaylord: Surely it cannot be treasonable to the people of America to keep them from being shot by others with whom they have no difference If the Socialists of every nation would take the same view that you do, there would be no rumbling in the respective governments.

The ruling class would have the full support of the Socialists. How about the autocratic government of Serbia, Romania, Italy, Japan, and Belgium, and until very recently the despotism of Russia? Do you know of any degree of democracy existing in any of these countries? Do you know of the ruling class of those countries fighting for democracy and civilization?

Why single out a few of the autocratic countries who happen to be allied on one side of this war? Louis Resolution which Hillquit had co-authored. Californian Job Harriman, Milwaukee resident Winfield Gaylord, and an unnamed third person were the contrarian lawyers in question. The Reds say that a political campaign is essentially a device of education, a trick to take advantage of the state of the public mind at elections to pound home the message of revolt; the Yellows say it is chiefly an attempt to gain power.

The former adopt the logical course; an educated working class will not need to be told how to vote. The latter puts the cart after the horse; secures a vote, and then tries to teach the voter.

Louis Convention of the Socialist Party is met with approval in this editorial from the Appeal to Reason, probably authored by editor Louis Kopelin. Even though the controlled press has lashed Congress and the administration into declaring war against Germany, the Appeal can not and will not lend its support to this conflict.

The Appeal is not disloyal to the government of the United States. The Appeal has no sympathies for the ruling class of Germany or of any other country. In the best sense the Appeal is pro-American and consequently pro-humanity.

The forces of reaction are united and are working day and night. Let us not weaken the cause of humanity and Socialism by foolish and futile heresy hunts. We need the help of everyone who is in favor of overthrowing the present system of industry with its horrible results, such as war, prostitution, poverty, and the like.

Simons excitedly tells of the double standard held by fellow SPA delegates to the Stuttgart Congress of the Socialist International Morris Hillquit and Victor Berger on the question of militarism. The Social Democrats of Germany had been placidly allowed to skate by the International on the tactics to be pursued in the event of war.

In lieu of an explicit resolution committing parties to engage in a general strike in the event of war which would have drawn the ire of the German secret police the Germans had made verbal assurances to this end—which they had promptly broken in August To this Simons implicitly contrasts the actions of the Socialist Party at St.

Louis in April Proclamation and War Program. Passed just days after American entry into the European war, this staunchly anti-militarist brought the full force of the Wilson administration and the American state to bear against the Socialist Party. The resolution declares that the Socialist Party "solemnly reaffirms its allegiance to the principle of internationalism and working class solidarity the world over, and proclaims its unalterable opposition to the war just declared by the United States.

It was the logical outcome of the competitive capitalist system," the manifesto declares. A program is advanced, including in part "Continuous, active, and public opposition to the war, through demonstrations, mass petitions, and all other means within our power," "Unyielding opposition to all proposed legislation for military or industrial conscription," "Vigorous resistance to all reactionary measures, such as censorship of the press and mails, restriction of the rights of free speech, assemblage, and organization, or compulsory arbitration and limitation of the right to strike," and "Widespread educational propaganda to enlighten the masses as to the true relation between capitalism and war," among other things.

The five Socialists each received 20 year prison terms under the so-called Espionage Act, later overturned. Harriman contends that the St. This document will support a charge of conspiracy to violate the federal statutes. The prison doors will open and gulp in our members by the thousands.

No good can come to the movement by such a course. This is depicted as a preferable alternative to the defiantly anti-militarist St. New markets must be found, new connections established. All this takes time. The enormous antebellum export to the belligerent countries cannot at once be resumed, upon that subject we need entertain no illusions.

National hatred, influenced to a white heat will continue, and will create bitter antagonism on the industrial field," Pannekoek declares. Walling writes here to Secretary of Labor William B. On the contrary, all of them are in bitter opposition to the American government and the American people, and all are for immediate peace absolutely regardless of the question as to whether it would be favorable to German militarism or not.

While Meyer London, for example, is somewhat less rabid than Hillquit and Berger, he has been notoriously pro-German throughout the war. Louis resolutions are nothing more nor less than treason under the statutes of the United States.

To send a supporter of these resolutions to Russia would obviously be insane. Unsigned Editorial in the Milwaukee Leader, May 3, All of our aims and principles, our fears and ambitions, are openly expressed in our meetings and in our papers The spy or the secret service agent simply wastes his time if he looks for secrets.

Ruthenberg, one of the three primary authors of the St. Louis Resolution on War and Militarism, responds to the ongoing discussion in the pages of the New York Call over the position and tactics of the Socialist Party towards the European war. Ruthenberg is critical of Benson for misrepresenting the atmosphere at the St.

Ruthenberg describes the process by which the St. It was not an intolerant spirit which secured support for the majority report. It was the firm determination of the majority of the delegates that the Socialist Party of the United States should not prove traitor to its ideals.

The process of drafting the majority resolution of the 15 member War and Militarism Committee is described, with a subcommittee of 3— consisting of Hillquit, C. Ruthenberg, and Algernon Lee— named. Hillquit states that the St. Louis Convention is a perfectly sane document— sane none the less because it is strong.

Socialist Comments on Berger Defense: Then came the April St. Louis Convention goes unmentioned in this account. In this letter to Woodrow Wilson, Russell gratefully accepts the appointment: To be able to fill any post at such a time, or to render any service, whether great or small, must fill us with solemn joy In thanking you, Mr. President, may I not wish for you all health, strength, and fervent, loyal support in the great task that God has put into your hands for the freedom and advancement of man and the eternal vindication of democracy?

Boris Reinstein] [May 11, ] Brief and unsigned news account about the repression meted out to Boris Reinstein of the Socialist Labor Party, in March a founding delegate of the Communist International. Reinstein, a naturalized citizen since and a resident of Buffalo, NY, had sought to return to Russia for a visit following its democratic revolution of March He had duly applied for a passport. However, when he went to the post office in New York, under the pretense of getting a letter for him, Reinstein had been held up long enough for Justice Department authorities to be contacted.

Reinstein had been released, but his passport was taken by the authorities. The targeting of Reinstein so soon after American entry into the European conflict seems indicative that the Justice Department had a political intelligence apparatus well in advance of the declaration of war.

Hillquit presents a very orthodox Kautskian reading of the situation facing the Provisional Government in Russia: It has destroyed autocracy and the rule of the landed nobility.

It has enthroned democracy and the political leadership of the industrial and commercial middle classes The political foundations of Russian are still in the making. Whether she will emerge from her struggles as a limited monarchy, an oligarchic republic, or a true democracy, will be determined by the play of the divergent social forces that will share in the writing of her permanent political constitution.

For the simple reason that within the AF of L there are good, sound union men, and when you attack the leaders and make general statements, these men resent it. The union leaders have gone with the tide of popular feeling. Let us now work with the union men, and the best place to work with him is in the union hall, not on Broadway on a soap box.

Hillquit knew when he claimed he could find no treason in the St. National Secretary Germer had refused to explain the omission. Both worked with him at St. Both are helping on his Russian intrigue today. There are some things baser than treason. Now he is using that liberty and democracy to assist the tyranny of Germany. There are some things worse than treason. I can tell some things of this work within the Socialist Party that will not make nice reading for those who are responsible for scuttling of the Socialist Party.

While some funneled party documents and anti-party talking points to old party politicians, or sold a ceaseless barrage of anti-party propaganda to the capitalist press, or even more shamelessly went directly on the payroll of the ultra-nationalist movement, there were others who briefly attempted to blaze a middle path the between flag-waving renegades on the one hand and the anti-militarist Center-Left coalition that solidly dominated the Socialist Party on the other.

One of the most thoughtful of the social-patriots during the initial phase of the war was the English-born John Spargo, a prolific author and early biographer of Karl Marx. This lengthy piece written for the New York Call attempts to make sense of the recent St. Louis convention of which he was a part.

Not crotchety and embittered like Allan Benson or hysterically anti-German and delusional like Simons , Spargo instead may be described as pensive, characterizing the convention as a missed opportunity at a critical juncture of American history.

Tsarism Reigns in Indianapolis: The trenches were dug between state power and radical principle, and the process of hardening on both sides of the line began. Simultaneously, news broke that two prominent members of the SP Right who had recently attended the St. An enormous uproar ensued in the party and the Center and Left of the SPA joined forces against their common enemies.

The forthcoming party referendum of War Resolutions seems a simple matter to Panken: Unsigned Editorial in the Milwaukee Leader, May 17, To most post office inspectors all Socialism is anarchistic, seditious, and treasonable. Consequently, not a single Socialist book—nor any trade union pamphlets or trade union papers or circulars which the postal department might consider syndicalistic under certain circumstances—could be sent through the mails without the sender committing a crime and risking the heaviest penalties.

Under the pretext of fighting for an alleged democracy in Europe, we are just on the point of losing all democracy at home," the editorialist declares.

Work to issue this instruction to Russell to decline the post. You are, of course, aware that you do not represent them, and that you can not represent them so long as you hold your present views regarding the war The most fundamental dictates of good faith and honorable dealing require that you, or any other member of the slight minority, should decline such an appointment," the statement of the Emergency Committee reads.

Work defends the St. Compared with that broad-minded attitude, your intolerance is in deep contrast. I leave it to your own conscience. Lest someone with a fevered imagination should charge us with being pro-German, you would have us surrender the Socialist movement to the capitalist class. Wilson [May 19, ] This article by the State Secretary of the Socialist Party of Illinois takes aim at the Milwaukee pro-war renegades Algie Simons and Winfield Gaylord, along with other pro-war individuals from in or around the party, such as C.

Then came the entrance of the United States into the war, and these gentlemen again changed front. There should be no delay. The Socialist party organization of Milwaukee should act at once. If that is their idea of democracy, I want none of it.

Louis Convention Winfield Gaylord: Well, what do Americans think of Benedict Arnold? The world holds an informer in contempt. Louis Convention adjourned reveal no secrets.

The secret service agents attended our convention, and were informed of everything that happened. Gaylord simply scabbed on them. Scheidemann has not denounced his fellow Socialists who differ with him in their views on war as traitors to their country.

Scheidemann has not turned spy and informer against his comrades or invited criminal prosecution against them.

He was absent from most of its sessions. After his war program had been defeated he attended none of the remaining sessions. It is doubtful if another delegate took less interest in the convention than Comrade Benson.

So may the substitute. From present indications, any criticism of the government, to say nothing of opposition to the war, is apt to be construed as treasonable before very long. War having been declared, the Socialist convention had to declare in favor either of supporting or opposing it.

The majority of the convention delegates took the view that the interests of the working class required that the party oppose the war. If this is treason, I suppose we must take the consequences. For nearly four hours the pair traded barbs and analysis before an audience of approximately 1, members of the Socialist Party.

This document reproduces long stenographic extracts from the presentation of each, recording for posterity the thinking of Lee and Spargo on the most decisive and divisive issue of the decade. For Lee, the St. Louis Resolution is reducible to one of its lines: This he contrasts to the situation in America: For Spargo the St. Louis Resolution is deeply flawed. He bases his critique on 4 points: That it is unsound in theory generally, and especially in its treatment of the economic causes of the war.

That it is inaccurate and misleading in important statements of fact and record. That it is a betrayal of fundamental Socialist principles. That it contains a program of action well calculated to strengthen all the greatest and most dangerous enemies of the international Socialist movement, to hinder the progress of our movement throughout the world, and to disrupt and to destroy the Socialist Party in this country.

Louis Resolution is based upon a crude economic-determinist explanation for the war— the competition of advanced capitalist states for colonial markets in which to dispose of their surplus products. He finds this idea flawed; the war erupted in the East, but Russia and several other leading participants not faced with large industrial surpluses to dump— nor was the ownership of a colony necessary for capitalists of other countries to profit therein.

Morris Hillquit, former Congressman Victor Berger, and Algernon Lee were thus barred from meeting with their peers in a neutral setting with a view to working to end the European War.

Should they attend the conference despite the lack of passports, the trio were threatened with prosecution under the Logan Law, prohibiting American citizens from conferring or negotiating with representatives of an enemy government.

To us it seems base and cowardly. Let the capitalist press, and not our own comrades, bring this charge. We are Socialists, international Socialists, and we have no use, not one bit, for capitalist wars. We have no enemies among the workers of other countries; and no friends among the capitalists of any country; the workers of all countries are our friends and the capitalists of all countries are our enemies.

The class war is our war and our only war. Debs heartily endorses the St. It states our position in plain terms and we propose to stand by it. With his pro-war alternative resolution on War and Militarism garnering just 5 votes at the Emergency National Convention of the Socialist Party and the militantly anti-war majority resolution authored by Morris Hillquit and C.

Ruthenberg clearly on the way to gaining a massive vote of approval in a membership referendum, NEC member John Spargo decided to make his exit from the organization. Spargo calls the St. After the raid on the headquarters of the Socialist Party of Indiana, the exposure of the treachery of Winfield Gaylord and Algie Simons, and a tidal wave of hostile writing by such worthies as C. Louis majority resolution on War and Militarism, and another calling for the expulsion of Charles E.

Russell, William English Walling, and J. Max Ludlow and J. Salutsky were nominated by the Convention for Secretary of the Federation, the story notes, with the final decision on the post to be determined by vote of the membership. There was no provision for impeaching the Tsar. The people could not lawfully remove him from office. Yet they found the means and methods by which his removal was made possible.

In this country there are certain clearly marked legal steps that can be taken to remedy an unwise election of a Chief Executive whenever the American people desire to do so. These steps are set forth in the constitution, and if it be treason to request that these steps be taken by Congress, then there are a good many Americans who are guilty of the crime. Tucker notes that an understanding has been reached between Wilson and the official representatives of Britain and France without that understanding revealed to the public.

Are we now making war to transfer German colonies to the British flag? Louis Resolution, Spargo now unleashes new, politically-charged accusation of pro-Germanism akin to those of the slightly deranged Algie Simons: Through the utterances and actions of the National Executive Committee, the National Committee, and our press, the party has been placed in the position of favoring precisely the things desired by the German foreign office, and of opposing the things which the German foreign office opposed.

Jenkin Lloyd Jones, Judah L. Magnes, Scott Nearing, and Lola M. LaFollette, daughter of Sen. The gathering concluded with a mass meeting at Madison Square Garden the night of May 31, —attended by 20, sympathetic individuals. John Tucker that he should prepare a pamphlet explaining to American workers why they should fight in the European war, Tucker took up the challenge. The result was this red-hot anti-militarist screed, ecclesiastical in tone, poetic in structure, and revolutionary in content.

For the only thing on earth worse than the Prussian junkers is the National Association of Manufacturers, and our third-generation millionaires You must throw bombs and slaughter with machine guns to destroy the Prussian political Kaiser; in order that the American financial Kaiser may remain upon his throne at 26 Broadway and around the corner on Wall Street.

You must shoot into the enemy the conviction that he should establish a Congress like ours; in order to convince ourselves that we really have a Congress worth the powder it would take to blow up a muskrat. June 10, Syndicated article to the labor press by former Toledo University professor Scott Nearing noting the cynicism and self-interested behavior of supporters of American militarization and entry into World War I.

Instead this burden was placed upon working people, in addition to the implementation of a whole array of new consumer taxes.

The people are to pay. This is a democracy, we are told, but when it comes to raising revenue, the world over, the same crowd pays the bill. Such a characterization was not fair, however—whatever his failings in the realm of party democracy and adherence to the rule of law, Germer was solidly part of the anti-militarist Marxist Center of the SPA, rather than of the social-patriotic Right.

But if we are to make the world safe for democracy, then why is it that we have singled out one country Is it that we are going to make the world safe for democracy only for Germany or are we going to make the world safe for democracy so far as Ireland is concerned, so far as India is concerned, so far as Austria is concerned, so far as Turkey and Belgium and Italy and Serbia and Romania?

Are we going to make the entire world safe for democracy and if so, then why not declare war on every country in which democracy does not exist? He encourages mass enrollment by the working class in the ranks of the Socialist Party as the only possible way to end militarism and war and advance the cause of liberty and democracy.

Includes a photo of Adolph Germer. This decision, never announced to the Socialist Party, set in motion a process whereby each of the future issues of this publication were deemed under suspicion and were consequently delayed until a final bureaucratic ruling on the mailability of each specific issue could be rendered. In response, American Socialist editor J.

Only 9 more issues would be published before Socialist Party headquarters would be raided and the publication terminated. Reds Bolt Convention of State Federation: Resolutions Condemning Government Are Defeated. Duluth Labor World [events of July , ] While there was no love lost between many mainstream conservative trade unionists and the socialist movement, the sometimes tense relations between the two camps were exacerbated following American entry into World War I as this article from a mainstream Duluth trade union weekly indicates.

A series of resolutions were presented by Socialist trade unionists at the state convention of the Minnesota Federation of Labor, hotly debated, and resoundingly rejected by the ultra-patriotic majority. Debs, as is his wont, lays on the sentimentality: Potter, Wisconsin — Sept. Seidel observes an increasingly harsh nationalism sweeping the country and advocates regime change: But what is responsible? If you did clean out the city, the state, and the nation of such men you would not yet succeed.

There are some people, not officials, still left — not for the protection of life but for the protection of property.

fact, they

By way of contrast, Fraina asserts the ideas of Mass Action joined with those of Industrial Unionism offered real possibilities for advancing the cause of Social Revolution. The leaflet charges that without sanction of the people or consultation with Congress, "we are practically ordered to join in the mad dance of death and destruction and to swell the ghastly river of blood in Europe with the blood of thousands of American workers.

Telegrams and letters to President Wilson and to Congress demanding that "this nation shall not be plunged into war for the benefit of plundering capitalists" are solicited. The year old Soviet leader draws a striking contrast between his politicized upbringing in Jewish Russia with the typical situation in the United States: Our pastime is chiefly attending underground Socialist meetings and spreading the propaganda among workingmen in the city and peasants in the country.

During the last days of peace, the Socialist Party attempted to stem the tide by conducting mass meetings as well as conclaves to set policy for the party. This news account indicates that the gathering approved the majority report on the war question over a more radical variant written by Leon Trotsky and Louis Fraina by a vote of to Fraina [event of March 4, ] Although the Trotsky-Fraina minority resolution was defeated at the March 4, meeting of Manhattan Socialists by a vote of to 79, the lack of a quorum at the physical meeting meant that the issue would be referred to mail vote of the membership for ratification.

The Socialist Party of Local New York, in short, declares war upon war and the measures adopted by government for purposes of war. No truce with the ruling class! War does not change the issue, but emphasizes it. On with the class struggle! But this, of course, does not appeal to bureaucrats, who will continue to be puzzled about the meaning of mass action until they are swept away by the tide.

Lore notes that the editors plan on regularly issuing articles from the journal as propaganda pamphlets—a number of which were eventually issued under the imprint of the Socialist Publication Society. Two hundred delegates were to attend. The list of seconds is appended. The obvious popularity of the referendum pushed the Executive Committee into immediate action on the matter. These are the minutes for this seminal meeting of the NEC, as published for the record in the Socialist Party Bulletin.

The NEC submitted this proposal to the governing National Committee via telegram for an immediate vote by wire. These are the responses of various members of the National Committee of the Socialist Party of America to the proposal for an extraordinary Emergency National Convention to be held April 7, April 7, , was the set for the opening of the convention, with the location still undetermined between St.

Louis, Chicago, and Cleveland. A 3 point tentative order of business for the convention was approved, consisting of: I would serve my country, but I am not a patriot.

For the rest, they will support the government in forcing thousands of boys to sacrifice their lives; in forcing our unions to sacrifice their right to strike; in forcing our party to sacrifice freedom of speech and press; in forcing the whole working class to sacrifice its hopes of social reform and of emancipation from class rule. Ghent, Upton Sinclair, et al. Wrapping their decision in words of Morris Hillquit pulled from a Jan. To refuse to resist international crime is to be unworthy of the name of Socialist.

It is our present duty to the cause of Internationalism to support our government in any sacrifice it requires in defense of those principles of international law and order which are essential alike to Socialism and to civilization. Hillquit hails the great change in Russia: Russia, dark and dumb and joyless Russia, will henceforth be a free, democratic, and happy republic.

The million Russian subjects, enslaved and oppressed and persecuted and tortured for ages, have risen in their might and broken their chains. They are free, and no occult power on earth can enslave them again.

But the time was ripe for our work, and we prospered in spite of disrupters. The successes we won in and were in spite of their disruptive work.

I stand for it, and have stood for it for 15 years, and I have lived it every moment of those years. I am read to criticize and to suggest changes. I am ready to take any step that is needed to advance our cause.

I am ready to fight for Socialism. Can it be said that those who strove with might and main in and , and again in , to scatter the strength of our movement are as loyal? The Call editorialist James Oneal endorsed the purported position of Hillquit and London and declared it to be the Socialist position.

The question before the American people today is not one of progressive as against complete disarmament, but, one of increase of armament; not one of changing an existing large army based on compulsory service into an army of the people organized on democratic principles, but one of creating a new and large standing army recruited by compulsory enlistment.

The purpose of the Socialists of Europe before the war was to gradually diminish and ultimately abolish an established and deep-rooted system of militarism. The task to which our pro-war American Socialists are volunteering their support is one of building up a new system of militarism, where practically none has heretofore existed.

But some of us who love Socialism and the Socialist Party more than we do the German kaiser and his form of autocracy will fight before we go. Now they charge the Finnish Federation for their own fault. Louis Emergency Convention of the SPA was held immediately on the heels of the American declaration of war on Germany, called to bring together delegates of the party to set policy in the new drastically changed situation.

The anti-militarist tenor of the gathering was fanned by Morris Hillquit, who delivered this keynote address to the convention. The SPA had been in decline since its previous convention in , Hillquit noted, with fewer members, a diminished press, and a general loss of enthusiasm and energy. The collapse of the International Socialist movement associated with the eruption of hostilities in Europe had a profoundly depressing effect on the American movement.

War creates a mob spirit of unreason. War creates conditions under which all the powers of reaction, all the predatory powers of the country, can satisfy their desires, and accomplish their attacks upon popular liberty, upon popular rights with absolute impunity.

Louis Engdahl [events of April 7, ] First of 4 first-hand reports of the activities of the St. An effort was made by Left Wing delegate Ludwig Katterfeld to force each nominee for the pivotal Committee on War and Militarism to answer yes or no to the question: Louis Engdahl [events of April 8, ] Second of 4 first-hand reports of the activities of the St.

The committee immediately went into session, with Victor Berger expounding upon the relationship between nationalism and internationalism. Engdahl quotes Berger as telling the committee: I am both an American and a Socialist at the same time. It makes a great difference to me whether I am an American or a Chinaman. And what makes it still more interesting is the fact that this form of action originated under and had results during the rule of the Iron Heel of an unscrupulous autocracy.

This means that results were possible under conditions which lately developed, and continue to develop, in the United States, ruled by the money kings of Wall Street. Furthermore, the best results by the Russian mass action were gained in those centers where industry was most developed. To see them would mean to see their own doom as a mighty and privileged group.

Graubard in arguing that the working class does in actual fact have a country to defend. It may be a few poor rooms in a tenement. It may be a shack in a mining camp. But he has a home, and the few sticks of furniture that he has purchased with so much sacrifice, the few ornaments, the few dishes, mean more in actual life stuff to him than all the palaces of millionaires, who have homes in every summer and winter resort in the land.

Ervin [April 11, ] This is a folksy, Appeal to Reason-style smorgasbord of short profiles of delegates to the St. Of particular interest is the substantial review of the ideas of former NEC member Arthur LeSeuer, who viewed the task of the Socialist Party not to win election for its own sake, but rather to serve as a sort of ideological vanguard for the two old parties, winning piecemeal adoption of its program yet remaining staunchly independent of the old parties and always winning the hearts and minds of the public and demanding more.

Louis Convention conducted their work, activity on the convention floor again became fierce on April 11, when the Committee on War and Militarism made its report. This unsigned account from the Milwaukee Leader notes the speech of Morris Hillquit in reporting for the committee majority.

Hillquit has kind words for the courage of John Spargo in vetting a pro-war report clearly at odds with the sentiment of the overwhelming majority of the convention. This war is primarily the result of economic forces which have brought about the imperialistic era in which we live, and of the general reactionary trend which is one of the most essential characteristics of this era.

Modern imperialism is a worldwide phenomenon, although it may be more pronounced in one country than in another The only hope of democracy, therefore, lies in those revolutionary elements of each country which are ready to fight imperialism in all its manifestation and wherever found.

We are internationalists and anti-militarists. The die for war was cast by the triple powers dominating Germany—the autocratic monarchy, inspired by a great imperialistic vision, the great military class, and that section of the capitalist class closely associated with militarism.

Louis Engdahl [events of April 12, ] Third of 4 first-hand reports of the activities of the St. Louis Engdahl [events of April 13, ] Fourth of 4 first-hand reports of the activities of the St. Engdahl also notes that by a 78 to 42 margin the convention had determined to print and distribute the majority resolution on war and militarism, with the resolution a tentative statement of party policy until formally ratified by the membership in referendum vote.

At the same time, war supporter John Spargo unveiled an alternative resolution on war and militarism to which a sufficient number of delegates had attached their signatures to the written document to assure its referral to the membership along with the majority resolution.

The complete text of the Spargo alternative report is included. The party referendum later resoundingly approved the majority resolution over the Spargo alternative by a margin of approximately 9 to 1. The National Committee, a body composed of state representatives which had met annually, was abolished.

In place of the NC, an expanded National Executive Committee was launched, consisting of 15 members instead of the previous 5 , 3 of which were to be elected by each of 5 geographic districts. In this way, regional diversity would be assured, while the unwieldy and functionally duplicate National Committee would be replaced by a more streamlined and effective body.

Meanwhile, an effort to open up membership in the Socialist Party to members of other political organizations, such as the Non-Partisan League, was defeated by a vote of to The latter provision, enacted by the Convention and ratified by referendum, had been the cause of the mass departure of the syndicalist Left Wing in and was an ongoing aggravation to the element of the Socialist Party which had limited faith in the efficacy of parliamentarism. Louis Resolution on War. Ruthenberg, and Algernon Lee at the April National Emergency Convention of the Socialist Party and later ratified by a referendum of the rank-and-file membership.

It was a strong Left Wing statement that provoked government repression by the Wilson Administration, led to an exodus of Right Wing intellectuals from the party, and served as a beacon for aggressively anti-militarist Americans to join the Socialist Party. This militant resolution was later approved in a referendum of the Socialist Party membership by a margin of over 8-to-1, 22, to 2, April 15, ] This resolution of Lettish Branch 2 of Boston, Socialist Party, while commending the efforts of the NEC to rejuvenate an international Socialist organization, took issue with the effort to revive the moribund 2nd International, rendered inoperative by the social-patriotism of its leading parties with regards to the European war.

Anti-conscription meetings were held by Socialists elsewhere in Manhattan, Brooklyn, and Bronx throughout the week in opposition to pending draft legislation in Congress. Simons in Milwaukee, WI. There is no need of estranging the great mass of Socialists and those who sympathize with them by any drastic action.

There is occasion for the discreet use of authority for the prevention of general circulation of this pernicious propaganda. Reed characterizes military conscription as un-democratic, physically unsound, unnecessary, and un-American. And that means that instead of being free to work for a larger measure of democratic progress in this country, American democrats must devote all their energies and their resources to fighting the extension of militarism in their country. Within a matter of days the good citizens of Toledo, Ohio would be calling for the termination of outspoken antimilitarist and syndicated columnist Scott Nearing, a professor of Political Science at the public Toledo University.

This was accompanied by a lengthy public statement by Nearing explaining his perspective on the war. There are only two possible ways to topple German militarism, Nearing says: Louis Emergency National Convention.

Benson dusts off one last time his utopian nostrum of requiring a plebiscite of the American people before conscription may be implemented: If the news were to reach Washington that the people, demanding the right to vote on conscription, were filling all the halls in the land, from the largest to the smallest, there would be no conscription act of Congress Louis Convention, Morris Hillquit responds.

Ever the lawyer and diplomat, Hillquit responds to the provocation temperately: The Finnish parliament, the Diet, formerly stripped of its authority by the tsarist regime, had been thrust to center stage by rapidly evolving events. In his reply, Executive Secretary Germer asks of Gaylord: Surely it cannot be treasonable to the people of America to keep them from being shot by others with whom they have no difference If the Socialists of every nation would take the same view that you do, there would be no rumbling in the respective governments.

The ruling class would have the full support of the Socialists. How about the autocratic government of Serbia, Romania, Italy, Japan, and Belgium, and until very recently the despotism of Russia? Do you know of any degree of democracy existing in any of these countries? Do you know of the ruling class of those countries fighting for democracy and civilization? Why single out a few of the autocratic countries who happen to be allied on one side of this war? Louis Resolution which Hillquit had co-authored.

Californian Job Harriman, Milwaukee resident Winfield Gaylord, and an unnamed third person were the contrarian lawyers in question.

The Reds say that a political campaign is essentially a device of education, a trick to take advantage of the state of the public mind at elections to pound home the message of revolt; the Yellows say it is chiefly an attempt to gain power. The former adopt the logical course; an educated working class will not need to be told how to vote. The latter puts the cart after the horse; secures a vote, and then tries to teach the voter.

Louis Convention of the Socialist Party is met with approval in this editorial from the Appeal to Reason, probably authored by editor Louis Kopelin. Even though the controlled press has lashed Congress and the administration into declaring war against Germany, the Appeal can not and will not lend its support to this conflict. The Appeal is not disloyal to the government of the United States.

The Appeal has no sympathies for the ruling class of Germany or of any other country. In the best sense the Appeal is pro-American and consequently pro-humanity. The forces of reaction are united and are working day and night. Let us not weaken the cause of humanity and Socialism by foolish and futile heresy hunts.

We need the help of everyone who is in favor of overthrowing the present system of industry with its horrible results, such as war, prostitution, poverty, and the like. Simons excitedly tells of the double standard held by fellow SPA delegates to the Stuttgart Congress of the Socialist International Morris Hillquit and Victor Berger on the question of militarism. The Social Democrats of Germany had been placidly allowed to skate by the International on the tactics to be pursued in the event of war.

In lieu of an explicit resolution committing parties to engage in a general strike in the event of war which would have drawn the ire of the German secret police the Germans had made verbal assurances to this end—which they had promptly broken in August To this Simons implicitly contrasts the actions of the Socialist Party at St. Louis in April Proclamation and War Program. Passed just days after American entry into the European war, this staunchly anti-militarist brought the full force of the Wilson administration and the American state to bear against the Socialist Party.

The resolution declares that the Socialist Party "solemnly reaffirms its allegiance to the principle of internationalism and working class solidarity the world over, and proclaims its unalterable opposition to the war just declared by the United States.

It was the logical outcome of the competitive capitalist system," the manifesto declares. A program is advanced, including in part "Continuous, active, and public opposition to the war, through demonstrations, mass petitions, and all other means within our power," "Unyielding opposition to all proposed legislation for military or industrial conscription," "Vigorous resistance to all reactionary measures, such as censorship of the press and mails, restriction of the rights of free speech, assemblage, and organization, or compulsory arbitration and limitation of the right to strike," and "Widespread educational propaganda to enlighten the masses as to the true relation between capitalism and war," among other things.

The five Socialists each received 20 year prison terms under the so-called Espionage Act, later overturned. Harriman contends that the St. This document will support a charge of conspiracy to violate the federal statutes. The prison doors will open and gulp in our members by the thousands. No good can come to the movement by such a course.

This is depicted as a preferable alternative to the defiantly anti-militarist St. New markets must be found, new connections established. All this takes time. The enormous antebellum export to the belligerent countries cannot at once be resumed, upon that subject we need entertain no illusions. National hatred, influenced to a white heat will continue, and will create bitter antagonism on the industrial field," Pannekoek declares. Walling writes here to Secretary of Labor William B.

On the contrary, all of them are in bitter opposition to the American government and the American people, and all are for immediate peace absolutely regardless of the question as to whether it would be favorable to German militarism or not. While Meyer London, for example, is somewhat less rabid than Hillquit and Berger, he has been notoriously pro-German throughout the war. Louis resolutions are nothing more nor less than treason under the statutes of the United States.

To send a supporter of these resolutions to Russia would obviously be insane. Unsigned Editorial in the Milwaukee Leader, May 3, All of our aims and principles, our fears and ambitions, are openly expressed in our meetings and in our papers The spy or the secret service agent simply wastes his time if he looks for secrets.

Ruthenberg, one of the three primary authors of the St. Louis Resolution on War and Militarism, responds to the ongoing discussion in the pages of the New York Call over the position and tactics of the Socialist Party towards the European war.

Ruthenberg is critical of Benson for misrepresenting the atmosphere at the St. Ruthenberg describes the process by which the St.

It was not an intolerant spirit which secured support for the majority report. It was the firm determination of the majority of the delegates that the Socialist Party of the United States should not prove traitor to its ideals.

The process of drafting the majority resolution of the 15 member War and Militarism Committee is described, with a subcommittee of 3— consisting of Hillquit, C. Ruthenberg, and Algernon Lee— named. Hillquit states that the St. Louis Convention is a perfectly sane document— sane none the less because it is strong. Socialist Comments on Berger Defense: Then came the April St. Louis Convention goes unmentioned in this account. In this letter to Woodrow Wilson, Russell gratefully accepts the appointment: To be able to fill any post at such a time, or to render any service, whether great or small, must fill us with solemn joy In thanking you, Mr.

President, may I not wish for you all health, strength, and fervent, loyal support in the great task that God has put into your hands for the freedom and advancement of man and the eternal vindication of democracy? Boris Reinstein] [May 11, ] Brief and unsigned news account about the repression meted out to Boris Reinstein of the Socialist Labor Party, in March a founding delegate of the Communist International.

Reinstein, a naturalized citizen since and a resident of Buffalo, NY, had sought to return to Russia for a visit following its democratic revolution of March He had duly applied for a passport. However, when he went to the post office in New York, under the pretense of getting a letter for him, Reinstein had been held up long enough for Justice Department authorities to be contacted. Reinstein had been released, but his passport was taken by the authorities. The targeting of Reinstein so soon after American entry into the European conflict seems indicative that the Justice Department had a political intelligence apparatus well in advance of the declaration of war.

Hillquit presents a very orthodox Kautskian reading of the situation facing the Provisional Government in Russia: It has destroyed autocracy and the rule of the landed nobility. It has enthroned democracy and the political leadership of the industrial and commercial middle classes The political foundations of Russian are still in the making.

Whether she will emerge from her struggles as a limited monarchy, an oligarchic republic, or a true democracy, will be determined by the play of the divergent social forces that will share in the writing of her permanent political constitution. For the simple reason that within the AF of L there are good, sound union men, and when you attack the leaders and make general statements, these men resent it.

The union leaders have gone with the tide of popular feeling. Let us now work with the union men, and the best place to work with him is in the union hall, not on Broadway on a soap box. Hillquit knew when he claimed he could find no treason in the St.

National Secretary Germer had refused to explain the omission. Both worked with him at St. Both are helping on his Russian intrigue today. There are some things baser than treason.

Now he is using that liberty and democracy to assist the tyranny of Germany. There are some things worse than treason. I can tell some things of this work within the Socialist Party that will not make nice reading for those who are responsible for scuttling of the Socialist Party.

While some funneled party documents and anti-party talking points to old party politicians, or sold a ceaseless barrage of anti-party propaganda to the capitalist press, or even more shamelessly went directly on the payroll of the ultra-nationalist movement, there were others who briefly attempted to blaze a middle path the between flag-waving renegades on the one hand and the anti-militarist Center-Left coalition that solidly dominated the Socialist Party on the other.

One of the most thoughtful of the social-patriots during the initial phase of the war was the English-born John Spargo, a prolific author and early biographer of Karl Marx.

This lengthy piece written for the New York Call attempts to make sense of the recent St. Louis convention of which he was a part. Not crotchety and embittered like Allan Benson or hysterically anti-German and delusional like Simons , Spargo instead may be described as pensive, characterizing the convention as a missed opportunity at a critical juncture of American history.

Tsarism Reigns in Indianapolis: The trenches were dug between state power and radical principle, and the process of hardening on both sides of the line began.

Simultaneously, news broke that two prominent members of the SP Right who had recently attended the St. An enormous uproar ensued in the party and the Center and Left of the SPA joined forces against their common enemies. The forthcoming party referendum of War Resolutions seems a simple matter to Panken: Unsigned Editorial in the Milwaukee Leader, May 17, To most post office inspectors all Socialism is anarchistic, seditious, and treasonable.

Consequently, not a single Socialist book—nor any trade union pamphlets or trade union papers or circulars which the postal department might consider syndicalistic under certain circumstances—could be sent through the mails without the sender committing a crime and risking the heaviest penalties. Under the pretext of fighting for an alleged democracy in Europe, we are just on the point of losing all democracy at home," the editorialist declares.

Work to issue this instruction to Russell to decline the post. You are, of course, aware that you do not represent them, and that you can not represent them so long as you hold your present views regarding the war The most fundamental dictates of good faith and honorable dealing require that you, or any other member of the slight minority, should decline such an appointment," the statement of the Emergency Committee reads.

Work defends the St. Compared with that broad-minded attitude, your intolerance is in deep contrast. I leave it to your own conscience. Lest someone with a fevered imagination should charge us with being pro-German, you would have us surrender the Socialist movement to the capitalist class.

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